賴(lài)斯演講稿三篇
篇一：賴(lài)斯演講全文
中國終將走向民主
日前，美國國務(wù)卿萊斯在舊金山的共和俱樂(lè )部發(fā)表演講。萊斯說(shuō)，民主之路絕非一帆風(fēng)順，民主制度也并非盡善盡美，但民主確是尊重人性和自由的機制。她說(shuō)，為世界自由事業(yè)開(kāi)辟前進(jìn)的道路，美利堅義不容辭。萊斯強調，民主不同于專(zhuān)制，不需要強加于人�！拔覀兿嘈拧覀儓孕拧袊粫�(huì )永遠成為（民主的）例外”。以下是演講全文，由中國信息中心翻譯。
謝謝。謝謝大家�；丶业母杏X(jué)真好。羅斯（Rose），謝謝你熱忱的介紹。謝謝你邀請我來(lái)到這里同灣區的眾多朋友和同事們交流。我并且要感謝俱樂(lè )部的主席，我的好朋友葛洛麗雅達菲（Gloria Duffy），葛洛麗雅致力于國際事務(wù)幾近二十年。葛洛麗雅，謝謝你對共和俱樂(lè )部（Commonwealth Club）的卓越領(lǐng)導。
重回加州的感覺(jué)實(shí)在美妙。加州讓我魂牽夢(mèng)縈的不僅是氣候、美酒和佳肴，更在于她的風(fēng)土和人民。來(lái)到舊金山我感到特別高興，這座城市令我回想起自己在斯坦福的學(xué)院生活。（賴(lài)斯1993年至1999年曾任斯坦福大學(xué)教務(wù)長(cháng)。譯者注。）
舊金山還是國際政治史上的一座重要城市。60年前，世界各國在這里締結了聯(lián)合國XX，人類(lèi)歷史的全新紀元由此展開(kāi)。20年前，在舊金山發(fā)生的一系列事件又幫助終結了那個(gè)舊時(shí)代。當時(shí)的國務(wù)卿喬治舒爾茨（George Schulz）也是在共和俱樂(lè )部提出了瓦解蘇聯(lián)的戰略，這就是后來(lái)里根主義的雛形。
里根主義簡(jiǎn)單而卓有成效。舒爾茨國務(wù)卿說(shuō)，民主浪潮正席卷全球，美利堅將不遺余力地保障并推進(jìn)世界各國的民主化進(jìn)程。此后僅四年，柏林墻坍塌了，黎明的曙光乍現。蘇聯(lián)的崩潰根本性地改變了世界政治格局。對一些人來(lái)講，這意味著(zhù)俄羅斯和東歐獲得了解放；但另一方面，脆弱而穩定的國際關(guān)系由此結束。
先是巴爾干的種族清洗，隨后是中非的戰亂和屠戮，接著(zhù)邪惡的宗教狂熱分子在阿富汗攫取了政權并展開(kāi)血腥的屠戮。緊跟著(zhù)是發(fā)生在那個(gè)溫暖九月早上的襲擊事件。整個(gè)世界都蒙上了恐怖陰影。也是在這一天，美利堅意識到我們國家的安全同世界其它區域的民主成敗息息相關(guān)。如諸位所見(jiàn)，當前世界和平的最大威脅都源于國家內部而非來(lái)自國際爭端。為應對這史無(wú)前例的挑戰，布什總統為合眾國設定了新的前行的方向�？偨y說(shuō)，“世界的和平取決于世界自由事業(yè)的進(jìn)展程度”。行政當
局為此采取了一系列富有成效的措施，這些工作燃點(diǎn)了從富蘭克林羅斯福到羅納德里根年代就伴隨我們的高貴理想。
我們的政策既充滿(mǎn)理想主義色彩又富有現實(shí)主義精神。我們認為，民主和自由是妥善解決多元社會(huì )爭端、使人們和平相處而免予戰爭和壓迫的唯一途徑。當前我們面臨的挑戰就是創(chuàng )造合適的外部環(huán)境以鼓勵培育各國內部的民主改革。（掌聲）
女士們、先生們，為世界自由事業(yè)開(kāi)辟前進(jìn)的道路，美利堅義不容辭。我們正在走向成功，玫瑰革命、橙色革命、紫色革命、郁金香革命、雪松革命，眾多富有活力的民主改革紛呈乍現，在促進(jìn)世界民主進(jìn)程上我們所獲的成就讓世人驚贊。（玫瑰革命、橙色革命、紫色革命、郁金香革命和雪松革命分指格魯吉亞、烏克蘭、伊拉克、吉爾吉斯、黎巴嫩發(fā)生的民主化政權更迭。譯者注。）現在構建民主的巴勒斯坦國也
�。�(tīng)眾席上的抗議聲打斷了講話(huà)）停止屠殺！制止自殺！美軍撤出伊拉克！
�。ㄙ�(lài)斯繼續演講）先生們、女士們，人們能夠表述自己的想法，這是件好事情。巴格達人民現在也享有這種權利。（掌聲）是的，女士們，先生們，不僅是在巴格達（Baghdad）、在喀布爾（Kabul），馬上在貝魯特（Beirut），人們都能夠自由地表述自己的思想。（巴格達、喀布爾、貝魯特分別為伊拉克、阿富汗和黎巴嫩的首府。譯者注。）民主真是一項美妙的制度。（掌聲）
毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)，戰后的阿富汗、暴力充斥的伊拉克以及其它一些新生的民主國家現在都面臨嚴峻的挑戰。但今天下午，我將主要講述在拉丁美洲、非洲和亞洲這三個(gè)重要區域推進(jìn)民主事業(yè)的狀況。在拉美民主化方面，合眾國奉行的是以經(jīng)濟誘導促進(jìn)政治改革的策略。從長(cháng)遠而言，拉丁美洲民主轉型的成功取決于這一區域對新思想和新移民，尤其是對新貿易的開(kāi)放接納程度。自由貿易將使所有人受益。行政當局目前的一項優(yōu)先任務(wù)就是敦促?lài)鴷?huì )核準中美洲自由貿易協(xié)定（CAFTA）。（掌聲）
數十年來(lái)，我們的拉美政策搖擺不定。但中美洲自由貿易協(xié)定會(huì )徹底改寫(xiě)這一態(tài)勢。協(xié)定將激發(fā)民主、加強安全并提升各國的繁榮程度。借助這一協(xié)定，我們并能夠明白表述自己對那些珍視自由原則的拉美國家的支持。目前，中美洲人民正在走出歷史的迷亂并努力構建繁榮的未來(lái)。他們信奉民主原則和市場(chǎng)機制。我們應采用更有效的經(jīng)濟誘因去激發(fā)他們進(jìn)行更深入的政治改革。
為吸引貿易和投資，民主國家將協(xié)力創(chuàng )造繁榮的政治環(huán)境、透明負責的政府以及完善的'法制。民主改革將消除貧困并促進(jìn)人民參與國家的政治生活。與此同時(shí)，自由貿易則提供人們多樣化的生活選擇機會(huì )。當公民們的自由企業(yè)精神被喚醒，自由貿易將成為創(chuàng )造財富和推進(jìn)社會(huì )進(jìn)步的源泉。中美洲自由貿易協(xié)定也將使合眾國受益。我們將在不斷拓展的全球經(jīng)濟中更具競爭力。尤其重要的是，中美洲自由貿易協(xié)定也將促進(jìn)中美洲地區的穩定，我們將獲得更加安全、自由和健康的外部環(huán)境。為促進(jìn)各國的民主進(jìn)程，我們設立了世紀挑戰賬戶(hù)(Millennium Challenge Account, MCA)。相對于數十年來(lái)，我們見(jiàn)效甚微的數十億美元的無(wú)償付出，世紀挑戰帳戶(hù)是一項革命性的措施。該賬戶(hù)將向那些公正治國、投資于民生并提倡經(jīng)濟自由的國家提供數十億美元的贈款。洪都拉斯（Honduras）和尼加拉瓜（Nicaragua）已符合賬戶(hù)援助條件，目前我們正致力達成付款協(xié)議。世紀挑戰帳戶(hù)還被用于提升非洲的自
由程度。如同拉美一樣，非洲的內部改革同樣需要外部世界的鼓勵。目前共有八個(gè)非洲國家達到世紀挑戰帳戶(hù)的贈款條件。上月，我們特別從帳戶(hù)內撥付了1億1千萬(wàn)美元給馬達加斯加以鼓勵這個(gè)國家的政治和經(jīng)濟自由化。
和平、繁榮、民主的新非洲為美國所樂(lè )見(jiàn)。過(guò)去四年，我們將官方的對非洲援助款項提升到原先的三倍。即便如此，我們也意識到這些援助仍是有限的。正如烏干達總統穆塞韋尼（Museveni）所言，“援助本身并不能促進(jìn)社會(huì )變革。只有國際貿易能夠培育經(jīng)濟增長(cháng)并最終促成轉型”。布什總統贊賞這番言論并試圖通過(guò)非洲成長(cháng)和機會(huì )法（The African rowth and Opportunity Act, AGOA）來(lái)促進(jìn)撒哈拉以南非洲國家的經(jīng)濟成長(cháng)。根據該法，那些致力于民主化建設和市場(chǎng)改革的非洲國家將獲得優(yōu)惠的貿易地位。
我們看到，開(kāi)放的環(huán)境不僅為非洲創(chuàng )造了大量的就業(yè)機會(huì )，也促進(jìn)了這些國家構建公民社會(huì )的進(jìn)程。目前有37個(gè)國家被納入非洲成長(cháng)和機會(huì )法的援助范圍。去年美國從上述國家的貿易進(jìn)口額達到260億美元，較上一年度有90%的提升。（掌聲）
更多的就業(yè)、更大的穩定和更迅捷的增長(cháng)對非洲民眾意義重大。不僅如此，非洲成長(cháng)和機會(huì )法傳遞著(zhù)一個(gè)明白無(wú)誤的訊息：政治自由和經(jīng)濟自由是走向成功的關(guān)鍵。
如同在非洲和拉美一樣，美利堅也致力于在亞洲推進(jìn)民主。二十世紀中葉以來(lái)，我們就承擔起職責，捍衛這一區域的自由、安全并保障其發(fā)展。當世界注目于冷戰時(shí)代的重大變遷時(shí)，亞洲地區的數十億人民也在我們的幫助下不屈不撓地、堅定地構建著(zhù)自己國家的民主未來(lái)。
有人將當今的亞洲同20世紀初黯淡的歐洲作比。他們認為，如同當年的歐洲一樣，亞洲也正處于經(jīng)濟和政治轉型期。他們認為，亞洲的轉型不會(huì )促進(jìn)和平，相反，這一進(jìn)程會(huì )點(diǎn)燃歷史的積怨并刺激民族主義情緒。
我不贊同這種悲觀(guān)的看法。我認為，歐洲的過(guò)去并不能預言亞洲的未來(lái)。相反，真正決定亞洲未來(lái)的只有兩個(gè)字：開(kāi)放。上世紀初歐洲的動(dòng)蕩從某些角度而言源于專(zhuān)制的傳統，諸如德國皇帝、俄國沙皇、哈布斯堡家族和奧斯曼帝國等，是這些封閉政權構建了一個(gè)充滿(mǎn)敵意的環(huán)境并最終導致了戰爭。
然而在今天的亞洲，民主已成為普遍的現實(shí)。當然中國是一個(gè)極大的例外。但我們相信——我們堅信——中國不會(huì )永遠成為例外。當中國的經(jīng)濟持續走向開(kāi)放時(shí)，它的領(lǐng)導人環(huán)顧四周就可以得出確定的結論：政治開(kāi)放是持續發(fā)展的必要條件。中國的崛起或將改變亞洲的未來(lái)，但亞洲的民主進(jìn)程同時(shí)也塑造著(zhù)中國的發(fā)展。
我們有理由樂(lè )觀(guān)。女士們、先生們，民主原則不能由外部世界強加，美利堅確信這點(diǎn)。
事實(shí)上，我們反對民主輸出，因為我們了解，民主不同于專(zhuān)制，不需要強加于人。（掌聲）
走遍世界各地，無(wú)論你所處如何偏遠，但只要你試著(zhù)問(wèn)人們一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的問(wèn)題——“你是否希望暢所欲言地表述自己的心聲、你是否想要自由地選擇自己的信仰、你是否期望自主地教育自己的孩子，你是否想免于在夜晚被秘密警察拘捕的恐懼”——人們的答案都是明白無(wú)誤的。正因為這樣，我們看到成群結隊的阿富汗人民涌向投票站，盡管他們腳下是泥濘的17世紀的道路。我們也親見(jiàn)伊拉克民眾不顧XX“投票者死”的威脅去行使自己神圣的選舉權利。
先生們、女士們。民主——一種對自由的信仰、對自由的渴望——如同呼吸一樣是生命不可分割的部分。（掌聲）
民主之路充滿(mǎn)艱辛曲折，但世上又有什么事情是一蹴而就的呢？托馬斯杰斐遜（Thomas Jefferson），我們自由國家的偉大創(chuàng )始者曾說(shuō)過(guò)，人人生而自由，這是造物主賦予的不可剝奪的權利。但杰斐遜本人卻是位蓄奴主義者，這顯然同他對于自由的信仰相悖。盡管如此，美利堅的締造者們確實(shí)構建了一系列良好的機制來(lái)保障自由。200年來(lái)，借助于這些機制，我們歷經(jīng)風(fēng)雨，并向建設一個(gè)更完善聯(lián)邦的道路上邁進(jìn)。（掌聲）
如果擁有選擇的權利，所有國家的人民都會(huì )拒絕獨裁，選擇民主。誠然，民主之路絕非一帆風(fēng)順，民主制度也并非盡善盡美，但民主確是尊重人性和自由的機制。而自由則是每個(gè)人天賦的權利，合眾國自誕生的第一天起就確認了這一理念。200年來(lái)，我們一直秉承著(zhù)該信念前行。
60年前在舊金山，我們協(xié)助起草了聯(lián)合國XX，為現代自由事業(yè)打下了基石。20年前，國務(wù)卿舒爾茨宣布美利堅將會(huì )幫助世上所有尋求自由的人們。
今天，我們正面臨前所未有的挑戰——對人類(lèi)自由的不懈追求將引導美利堅進(jìn)入新的世紀。捍衛自由，這不僅是我們國家引以為豪的理念，更是時(shí)代的召喚。執著(zhù)于我們的理想，我們終將獲得成功。
謝謝大家。（掌聲）
篇二：賴(lài)斯的演講加翻譯
As we work for a more just economic order, we must also work to promote a freer and more democratic world – a world that will one day include a democratic Cuba, a democratic Burma, and a fully democratic Middle East. 當我們要想建立一個(gè)公平的經(jīng)濟秩序，同時(shí)我們也必須得努力去營(yíng)造一個(gè)更自由、更民主的世界，這個(gè)世界將包含一個(gè)民主的古巴、緬甸和完全民主的中東。
Now, this emphasis on democracy in the Middle East is controversial, I admit, and some would say, “Well, we’ve actually made the situation worse.”
如今中東的民主已經(jīng)變得有爭議了，我承認這一點(diǎn)。因此可能就會(huì )有人說(shuō)：好吧，我們讓情況變得更糟了。
I would ask: Worse compared to what
而我不禁想反問(wèn)他們：比什么更糟了？
Worse than when the Syrian army occupied Lebanon for nearly 30 yearsWorse than when the Palestinian people could not hold their leaders accountable, and watched as a chance for peace was squandered and evaporated into the second intifada
比敘利亞軍隊侵占黎巴嫩將近30年更糟糕嗎？能比巴勒斯坦人民再也不相信他們的政府且眼睜睜地看著(zhù)和平的機會(huì )被浪費了并再次進(jìn)入混亂更糟嘛？
Worse than the tyranny of Saddam Hussein at the heart of the Middle East, who terrified his neighbors and whose legacy is the bodies of 300,000 innocent people that he left in unmarked mass graves
能比薩達姆侯賽因在中東的暴行，如恐嚇其鄰國，它的遺產(chǎn)是那無(wú)名墳冢中的三十萬(wàn)具無(wú)辜的尸體，能比這更糟糕么？
Or worse perhaps than the false stability which masked a freedom gap, spawned hopelessness, and fed hatreds so deep that 19 men found cause to fly airplanes into American cities on a fine September morning
或者是這虛假的穩定掩飾了自由的鴻溝，給人們帶來(lái)無(wú)望，同時(shí)帶來(lái)的仇恨之深以至于19個(gè)人在一個(gè)美好的九月的早晨空襲了美國城市，能比這更糟嘛？
No, ladies and gentlemen, the past order in the Middle East is nothing to extol, but it does not make the challenges of the present less difficult. Even when you cherish democratic ideals, it is never easy to turn them into effective democratic institutions. This process will take decades, and it will be driven, as it should be, and as it only can be, by courageous leaders and citizens in the region.
沒(méi)有，女士們先生們，中東過(guò)去的秩序并不值得贊揚，但其現今所面臨的挑戰也并不因此而減輕，把民主制度付諸行動(dòng)也并不是一件容易的事。這一過(guò)程將需要數十年的時(shí)間，并且將由也只會(huì )由這個(gè)城市的勇敢的領(lǐng)導者們和市民們推進(jìn)！
Different nations will find ways to express democratic values that reflect their own cultures and their own ways of life. And yet the basics are universal and we know them – that men and women have the right to choose those who will govern them, to speak their minds, to worship freely, and to find protection from the arbitrary power of the state.
不通國家將會(huì )找到表達其民主觀(guān)念的方式，且這將反映出他們國家自己的文化和其人民自己的生活方式。這些基本觀(guān)念是眾所周知的，那就是男性和女性都有權選擇誰(shuí)來(lái)統治他們、有權訴說(shuō)自己的觀(guān)點(diǎn)、有崇拜自由權和有權從國家的強權里尋求保護。
The main problem for democracy in the Middle East has not been that people are not ready for it. The problem is that there are violent forces of reaction that cannot be allowed to triumph.
中東主要的民主矛盾并不是人們還沒(méi)準備好接受民主，而是過(guò)激的反應而導致人們不能取得最終的勝利。
The problem is that too many Lebanese journalists and parliamentarians are being assassinated in a campaign of intimidation, and that the Lebanese have not been permitted to elect their president freely.
問(wèn)題是有太多的麗娜嫩記者和國會(huì )議員在恐怖行動(dòng)中被刺殺了，這也就是為什么黎巴嫩未能選出其總統的原因。
The problem is that too many peaceful human rights activists, and journalists, and bloggers are sitting in prison for actions that should not be considered crimes in any country.
問(wèn)題是存在有太多的人權激進(jìn)分子、記者和博客進(jìn)了監獄，而他們所做的在任何國家都不能構成罪名。
The problem is not that a group like Hamas won one free election; it is that the leaders of Hamas still refuse to make the fundamental choice that is required for any democracy to function: You can be a political party, or you can be a terrorist group, you cannot be both.
問(wèn)題是沒(méi)有能像哈馬斯這樣的團體一樣能夠贏(yíng)得自由選舉。哈馬斯的領(lǐng)導者仍然拒絕做出能夠使民主生效的決定：你可以成為一個(gè)政治團體，或者你也可以變成一個(gè)恐怖組織，二者不能兼得。
We should be under no illusions that the challenges in the Middle East will get any better if we approach them in a less principled fashion. In fact, the only
truly effective solutions to many of these challenges will emerge not in spite of democracy, but because of it.
我們對中東所面臨的挑戰能夠變好不要抱任何幻想，如果我們去達成這個(gè)目標時(shí)沒(méi)有原則的話(huà)。而事實(shí)是，唯一能夠真正有效地解決這些挑戰的辦法將會(huì )涌現，盡管沒(méi)有民主，而是因為民主的存在才會(huì )這樣。
Democracy is the most realistic way for diverse peoples to resolve their differences, and share power, and heal social divisions without violence or repression.
民主是人們解決分歧、共享權利和不通過(guò)武力或鎮壓來(lái)完善社會(huì )差異的最有效的方式。
Democracy is the most likely way to ensure that women have an equal place in society and an equal right to make the basic choices that define their lives. 民主是最能夠確保女性能夠有平等的社會(huì )地位和平等的權利來(lái)做出維護她們的生活的基本決定的方式。
And democracy is the most realistic path to lasting peace among nations. In the short run, there will surely be struggles and setbacks. There will be stumble and even falls. But delaying the start of the democratic enterprise will only mask tensions and breed frustrations that will not be suppressed forever.
民主還是能夠實(shí)現國家之間的長(cháng)久和平的最佳方法。而短期內，迷住必然將會(huì )遇到困難、挫折、停頓甚至是倒退。但是民主的延遲實(shí)現所帶來(lái)的緊張和沮喪不會(huì )永遠持續下去。
Now this brings us, finally, to the matter of diplomacy. Do optimism and idealism play a role in this endeavor, which is by its very nature the art of the
possibleIs it as Lord Palmerston said – that “nations have no permanent enemies and no permanent allies, only permanent interests”
而現在這一過(guò)程給我們帶來(lái)的最終會(huì )是一系列外交事宜。樂(lè )觀(guān)主義與理想主義在民主的實(shí)現過(guò)程中也做出了貢獻，但是這會(huì )是實(shí)現民主這一可能性的本質(zhì)么？是不是正如真主帕默斯頓說(shuō)的那樣：國家之間沒(méi)有永久的敵人也沒(méi)有永久的朋友，只有永久的利益呢？
Well, I can assure you that America has no permanent enemies, because we harbor no permanent hatreds. The United States is sometimes thought of as a nation that perhaps does not dwell enough on its own history. To that, I say: Good for us. Because too much focus on history can become a prison for nations.
那么我能很明確地告訴你美國沒(méi)有永久的敵人，這是因為我們沒(méi)有永久的仇恨。美國有時(shí)被認為是一個(gè)不是那么吸取歷史經(jīng)驗的國家。鑒于此我想說(shuō)，還好我們是這樣做了，因為太過(guò)于注重歷史就被被其禁錮住。
Diplomacy, if properly practiced, is not just talking for the sake of talking. It requires incentives and disincentives to make the choice clear to those with whom you are dealing that you will change your behavior if they are willing to change theirs. Diplomacy can make possible a world in which old enemies can become, if not friends, then no longer adversaries.
民主，如果我們合理實(shí)施的話(huà)，就不能只說(shuō)不做了。這就需要約束與激勵來(lái)讓你對于你交往的人做出明確的選擇，因為于你交往的人如果要改變他們自己的話(huà)這也會(huì )影響你的行為。
Consider the case of Libya. Just a few years ago, the United States and Libya were locked in a state of hostility. But as Libya has chosen to reject
篇三：賴(lài)斯演說(shuō)
Remarks at the Commonwealth Club
Secretary Condoleezza Rice
Davies Symphony Hall
San Francisco, CA
May 27, 2005
(Noon PDT)
SECRETARY RICE: Thank you. Thank you very much. Well, it's nice to be home. Thank you very much. Thank you, Rose, for that kind introduction and for the invitation to speak here among friends and colleagues from the Bay Area. I'd also like to thank my good friend Gloria Duffy for her leadership of this club and for her leadership in international affairs for a couple of decades now, Gloria. And I do want to admit that I always thought that I might play Davies Hall, but on the piano. (Laughter.)
It's great to be back in California. In fact, there really isn't that much that I miss about California, just the climate and the wine and the food and the culture and the people -- (laughter) -- and Pac Ten sports and all aspects of this great quality life. But I'm especially pleased to be here in San Francisco today, not just because it's down the road from the place that I really grew up as an academic -- Stanford University -- but because this great city has played an important role in the history of international politics.
Sixty years ago, the countries of the world signed the Charter of the United Nations here in San Francisco. That event marked the opening of an entirely new and unprecedented era in world history. Four decades later, San Francisco hosted one of the key events that helped to bring that era to a close. In a speech to the Commonwealth Club, 20 years ago, then-Secretary of State George Shultz articulated the strategy that accelerated the collapse of the Soviet Union, a strategy that became known as the Reagan Doctrine.
The main idea of that doctrine was simple and powerful. A democratic revolution was sweeping
the world -- Secretary Shultz declared -- and the United States of America would use every aspect of our national power to protect, to strengthen and to expand the movement of liberty worldwide.
Four years later, the Berlin Wall was torn asunder and the colors of dawn finally broke throughout the long twilight struggle. As we reflect on the ideas of that speech, we recognize that much that is universal in America's purpose still remains. But we also notice that this is a radically different situation in our present circumstances.
The implosion of the Soviet Union fundamentally transformed our world. From the fall of the Berlin Wall on 11/9 to the toppling of the twin towers on 9/11, the old international order slowly and then quickly crumbled into dust. For some, this was a glorious revolution, a cause for celebration throughout Russia and Eastern Europe. For others, however, the collapse of the old world order shattered the false and fragile stability within many foreign societies.
Ethnic cleansing erupted in the Balkans. War and genocide haunted Central Africa. And in Afghanistan, a vicious band of zealots seized power, brutalized their people and made common cause with mass murderers. The full nature of this new world was revealed on a warm September morning turned black with terror.
On that day, the United States learned just how closely our nation's security is tied to the success or failure of other societies. You see in today's world the greatest threats to peace emerge within nations, not between them. As a result, the internal relationship between state and society is just as important as the external balance of power between governments.
In response to this unprecedented challenge, President Bush set a new course for America, a practical course of action that summons the highest ideals of our nation, from Franklin Roosevelt to Ronald Reagan. As the President has said, "The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world."
Trying to label our policies as either realistic or idealistic, I submit to you, is a false choice. It is both. Freedom and democracy are the only way for diverse societies to resolve their disputes justly and to live together without oppression and war. Our challenge today is to create conditions of openness around states that encourage and nurture democratic reform within states.
(Applause.)
Ladies and gentlemen, America must open a path to the march of freedom across the entire world. We are succeeding in this great purpose and we measure our success in the democratic revolutions that have stunned the entire world, vibrant revolutions of rose and orange and purple and tulip and cedar. It is a time when there is great hope for a Palestinian state founded on democratic principles and it is time --
AUDIENCE MEMBER: (Off-mike.) Stop the killing, stop the suicide, USA out of Iraq.
SECRETARY RICE: Ladies and gentlemen, ladies and gentlemen, it is a wonderful thing that people can speak their minds. And it is a good thing that they can now do so in Baghdad.
(Applause.)
Yes, ladies and gentlemen, in Baghdad and Kabul and soon in Beirut, they too will be able to speak their minds. What a wonderful thing democracy is.
(Applause.)
To be sure, enormous challenges still define a violent Iraq and a postwar Afghanistan and many other young democracies. But this afternoon, I would like to spend a few moments with you about the challenges strengthening democracy in three important regions: in Latin America, in Africa, and in Asia; areas that are not so often on the front pages, but that are very much in our minds.
To open a path for freedom in Latin America, the United States is offering economic incentives to advance political reform. The success of democracy in Latin America depends on the continued openness of our hemisphere, openness to new ideas and to new people and especially to new trade.
A region that trades in freedom benefits everyone and one of the highest priorities of this administration is to pass the Central America and Dominican Republic free trade agreement known as CAFTA.
(Applause.)
For too many decades, U.S. policy towards Central America has oscillated from engagement to disregard and back again. With CAFTA, we can break this trend once and for all. We can demonstrate that the United States is permanently committed to the success of all Latin American
countries that honor the principles of liberty. CAFTA will energize democracy, strengthen security, and promote prosperity among some of our most important neighbors. The people of Central America and the Dominican Republic are working hard to replace a past of chaos with a future of commerce. They are embracing democratic principles and free market reform. And together, we must use the incentive of increased trade to promote even greater political freedom.
To attract trade and investment, democratic nations will work to create the political conditions for prosperity, transparent and accountable governments with the energy and the integrity to enforce the rule of law. In turn, these democratic reforms will help citizens to lift themselves out of poverty and participate in the life of their nation. There is a belief among some that CAFTA will only enable the strong to prey on the weak. But that view is totally misguided. On the lawful level playing field of democracy, free trade offers greater opportunities to all people from all walks of life. Free trade is most important for small businesses because they have the energy and the industry to adapt to new challenges and to succeed.
When government liberates the entrepreneurial spirit of its citizens, free trade becomes an engine for greater prosperity and social mobility. Of course, the CAFTA agreement will also benefit the United States by uniting suppliers and customers throughout the region. And we will all compete more successfully in a dynamic global economy.
More important still, CAFTA will contribute to democratic stability in Central America, making our nation's periphery stronger and safer and freer. For some nations in Latin America, however, democratic institutions must be nurtured with foreign aid. The United States is, thus, providing new development assistance with our Millennium Challenge Account initiative.
For decades we wasted billions of dollars in aid because it was given unconditionally. The MCA has revolutionized that practice, committing billions of dollars in new money to countries that rule justly, advance economic liberty and invest in their people. Honduras and Nicaragua have met these conditions and we are working with them to reach compacts for granting assistance.
The Millennium Challenge Account is also helping to open a path for the march of freedom in Africa. As in Latin America, it is serving as external encouragement for internal reform. Eight African nations are eligible for MCA assistance. And just this April, the Millennium Challenge Corporation signed its first compact with Madagascar; $110 million in assistance that will help the nation's citizens to share in the blessings of political and economic liberty.
The United States is committed to that vision of a peaceful, prosperous and democratic Africa. In the past four years, we have tripled the amount of official development assistance that we give to
the nations of Africa. But we also recognize the limitations of that approach. As Uganda's President Museveni has said, "By itself, aid cannot transform societies. Only trade can foster the sustained economic growth necessary for a transformation."
President Bush agrees with the wisdom of that statement and he has sought to extend the benefits of free trade to Sub-Saharan Africa through the African Growth and Opportunity Act, or AGOA. This policy grants preferential trading status to African countries that are committed to democratic and free market reforms.
The result is an environment of openness that not only creates jobs, it encourages African nations to transform their society. By any conceivable measurement, AGOA is a success. Thirty-seven countries have qualified so far. Congress has twice extended the life of this legislation with strong bipartisan support. And last year alone the United States imported over $26 billion of goods from the AGOA group of African nations, a nearly 90 percent increase over the previous year.
(Applause.)
This means more jobs and greater stability and increased opportunity for an expanding number of African citizens. With AGOA we are sending the message loud and clear that political and economic liberty are the keys to success.
As in Africa and Latin America, the United States is also opening a path for the continued march of freedom in Asia. Since the middle of the 20th century, we have guaranteed an environment of liberty, security and opportunity in Asia. And while the entire world focused on the grand events of the Cold War, an amazing thing happened right here in our own hemisphere. With America's support, billions of people across Asia, as here in our hemisphere in Latin America, tirelessly and steadily built the foundations of democracy on their own.
Some people looked at Asia in the 21st century and drew bleak comparisons with Europe in the 20th century. Like Europe then, Asia now is transforming itself politically and economically through global trade and record growth. But rather than view this change as a contribution to peace, some believe that it will stoke old grievances and nationalist sentiments.
According to cynics, the struggle for the mastery of Asia is just over the horizon. This is a crude analogy and I reject it as an abuse of history. There is no reason why Europe's past should predetermine Asia's future and we can explain why this is true in just one word: Openness. Europe's instability of the early 20th century stemmed, in part, from its non-democratic character,
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